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Does the Basque Country still want independence from Spain?

Nationalist parties received 70 percent of the vote on Sunday's regional elections in the Basque Country. Does this spell renewed feelings of independence in a territory which hasn't forgotten the damage caused by terrorist group ETA?

Does the Basque Country still want independence from Spain?
Secretary General of Basque pro-independence alliance of parties EH Bildu, Arnaldo Otegi (C), marches with thousands under the slogan "Nazioa gara" (We are a nation) during a demonstration called by Bildu in Bilbao in November 2023. (Photo by ANDER GILLENEA / AFP)

After separatist party EH Bildu came joint first in the regional elections with the PNV (27 seats each) in the northern territory on Sunday, many foreign observers might wonder if the result means that separatism is back on the cards in the Basque Country.

Since its creation in 2011, EH Bildu has consistently caused controversy in Spanish politics. Most recently this has been on the national stage, with outrage about the Basque party’s role in propping up Socialist (PSOE) Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s government.

EH Bildu is viewed by many as essentially the political wing of or heirs to ETA, the defunct separatist terror group that killed at least 850 people in shootings and bombing across Spain over a four decade campaign. Bildu’s current party leader, Arnaldo Otegi, is a convicted ETA member but also credited with helping the group transition from armed struggle into politics.

Bildu’s role in politics at both the local and national level has offended many, and become a political weapon in broader left-right culture war rhetoric in Spanish politics.

In the build-up to Sunday’s poll, EH Bildu candidate Pello Otxandiano caused outrage when he refused to describe ETA as a terror group. In the local elections of May 2023, Bildu also caused controversy by running 44 convicted ETA terrorists, including seven imprisoned for murder, as candidates. 

READ ALSO: Shock as 44 convicted ETA terrorists to run in elections in Spain’s Basque Country

So following the party’s success on Sunday, which was largely predicted by polls, does the fact a separatist party has won in the region mean that the Basque Country still wants independence from Spain?

Left-wing alternative 

The answer is that some in the Basque Country still do, but certainly in fewer numbers than they used to. In fact, if anything the rise of EH Bildu as a political force says less about Basque independence than it does the politics within the region. For many, Bildu in 2024 is less about separatism and more a left-wing alternative to the Socialists, even though for the Basque Socialist Party, “they pretend to be left-wing but what they really want is independence”.

“Before, the only party looking after Basque interests was the PNV (Basque Nationalist Party), so everyone voted for them regardless of their political leanings,” Bilbao native Elena García told AFP recently.

“But with Bildu gaining strength, if you’re left-wing and more socially minded, you’ll vote for them,” she added.

It’s done this by garnering support among younger voters in part, due to its stance on social issues and political offering more broadly, rather than a commitment to independence. This is especially striking when contrasted with the centrist PNV that has almost governed the region uninterruptedly for 44 years.

READ ALSO: Why separatist Bildu spells hope for Basque youth as Spanish region votes

Pablo Simón, a political scientist at Madrid’s Carlos III University, told AFP that “Bildu has become increasingly popular with young people, benefitting from the end of the armed struggle.”

“That has allowed it to position itself as the pro-independence, left-wing alternative to the traditional PNV government with a substantial part of its agenda linked to social policies, wealth redistribution, environmentalism and the like,” he added.

Doctor in Sociology from the University of the Basque Country Imanol Zubero believes that the average PNV voter now is “more regionalist than “sovereigntist”, telling news site El Independiente that such voters “wants their own people to govern but without independence adventures”.

Photo from 2002 showing one of Spain’s classic Osborne Bulls graffitied with a message asking to take ETA prisoners back to the Basque Country.(Photo by RAFA RIVAS / AFP)

Does the Basque Country still want independence from Spain?

Bildu has been able to pivot away from separatist struggle, broadening its appeal to non-independence driven social issues and catering to a younger cohort of voters that place less emphasis (or even don’t remember) its bloody history. In this sense, there are parallels with Sinn Féin’s popularity growth in post-Troubles Ireland.

Polling data on the Basque independence question specifically is unclear, but what does seem certain is that Basque separatism is nowhere near as popular as it once was, whether with Bildu, PNV, or Socialist voters.

A recent survey found that support for Basque separatism overall has fallen by 30 percent over the last decade among voters of the region’s two most nationalist parties, the PNV and EH Bildu. 

In 2014 the vast majority (86 percent) of Bildu voters supported independence, a figure that a decade later has plummeted to now only slightly more than half (55 percent) of those polled. Similarly, among PNV voters the decline in support is very similar. From 47 percent of its voters who said they backed Basque independence ten years ago, the figure is now just 17 percent. Enthusiasms for independence is decreasing across the political spectrum.

Among the Basque people more widely, hard-line separatist opinions have also dwindled. Different polls tell us different things. A widely reported poll in the Spanish media at the end of 2023 found that only 13 percent of Basques want outright independence. However, the latest Sociometer poll by the Basque government produced a very different figure: 23 percent.

The discrepancy has a lot to do with polling methodology and how the questions are asked. Generally, there are three options: pro, anti, and ‘it depends’ on the conditions or terms.

The logical conclusion would be that if 23 percent are in favour of independence, 77 percent must be against it. But it’s not so simple; often if you remove the conditional answers (ie. those saying “it depends”) and only include those against or in favour, the proportion of pro-independence voters is higher than polling suggests but still below historical highs.

So, what can we take from all this? That the independence impulse in the Basque Country is certainly lower than it was 10 or 20 years ago. That seems undeniable. However, following Bildu’s results on Sunday, it seems clear that for many Basque voters separatism is not the defining electoral issue it once was in the region.

Many voted for Bildu due to their stances on social issues and political positioning as a left-wing alternative, rather than an outright commitment to independence. 

“(The Basque independence movement) has been losing muscle tone for a long time,” Zubero concludes.

“If a resurgence occurs it will be more due to the vindication of rights. There is even talk that future nationalism will be more fiscal, more about managing one’s own affairs than anything else.”

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POLITICS

Who will win Catalonia’s regional elections?

Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez's Socialists hope to seize power in Spain's Catalonia region in elections Sunday, to prove its appeasement strategy has more appeal than the separatist agenda of Carles Puigdemont. The stakes are high for both.

Who will win Catalonia's regional elections?

This wealthy northeastern region of some eight million people votes Sunday to elect deputies to its 135-seat regional parliament.

Opinion polls suggest Sánchez’s Socialists are well ahead of Puigdemont’s hardline separatist JxCat and its rival ERC, led by current regional leader Pere Aragonès. 

A poll by Spain’s leading daily El País found that a coalition between separatist parties Junts, ERC and CUP would only have a 28 percent chance of reaching the majority; while a coalition by left-wing parties the PSC (PSOE’s Socialist branch), ERC and Comuns has a 78 percent possibility of forming a government. 

Another poll by Spain’s state-run CIS research body also has the PSC as the favourites to win with between 29.8 and 33.2 percent of the vote.

Other commentators haven’t ruled out the possibility of an electoral stalemate with neither block capable of obtaining a majority, which would result in repeat elections in the region of 8 million people. 

Junts’ Puigdemont was Catalan leader at the time of the failed independence bid in October 2017 which sparked Spain’s worst political crisis in decades.

Despite fleeing Spain to avoid prosecution, he has remained active in the region’s politics, leading JxCat from Belgium. He is hoping his imminent return from exile under an amnesty bill soon to become law will boost his chances in the vote.

For Sánchez, seizing back power from the separatists – who have ruled the region for a decade – would be a major victory in his efforts to turn the page on the crisis sparked by the secession bid.

READ ALSO: Why regional elections in Catalonia matter to Spain’s future

It would also allow him to press the restart button on his latest term in office, which began in November.

So far, it has been soured by bitter right-wing opposition and a corruption probe into his wife, which almost prompted his resignation late last month.

Socialist hopes high

A win by the Catalan Socialist party would allow the region “to turn over a new leaf after 10 lost years” said its leader Salvador Illa, 58, who served as Spain’s health minister during the pandemic.

Although the Socialists won the most votes during the last regional election in February 2021, Illa was unable to piece together a governing majority. The separatist parties took power by clubbing together to form a 74-seat coalition.

Since becoming Spanish prime minister in June 2018, Sánchez has sought to defuse the Catalan conflict. He has maintained dialogue with the moderate ERC and pardoned the separatists jailed over their role in the 2017 secession bid.

And late last year, he moved to push through an amnesty bill for those still wanted by the justice system in exchange for the separatists’ parliamentary support for him to secure a new term in office.

Under terms of the bill, Puigdemont – who fled Spain to avoid prosecution after the botched independence bid – will finally be able to return home after more than six years in exile.

It will be put to a final parliamentary vote later this month.

Catalan separatist leader and candidate of Junts per Catalunya Carles Puigdemont (R) raises his fist during a campaign rally in the French southeastern town of Argelès-sur-Mer. (Photo by Josep LAGO / AFP)

High stakes for Puigdemont

Puigdemont is for the moment unable to enter Spain, where he is still subject to an arrest warrant.

So he has been campaigning for Sunday’s election from a southern French seaside town near the Spanish border, and polls suggest his support has been rising steadily in recent weeks.

READ MORE: Exiled separatist leader rallies support in France ahead of Catalan election

“The independence movement has stalled a bit (since the botched 2017 separatist bid) but I think Puigdemont’s candidature has generated some enthusiasm,” Arnau Olle, a 29-year-old IT specialist from a town near Barcelona told AFP at a weekend campaign rally in Argeles-sur-Mer.

Puigdemont, who served as Catalan leader from January 2016, wants to have another shot at leading the region if the separatists retain a majority, and if JxCat comes out on top.

But that could be complicated given the divisions within the pro-independence movement and the emergence in recent months of the ultranationalist Catalan Alliance. While polls suggest it could win several seats, no other party wants to enter into a pact with it.

For Puigdemont, Sunday’s vote is also a high-stakes game, not least because he has pledged to retire from politics if he does not win.

Polls suggest the Socialists will win around 40 seats, which would mean it would need allies to reach the 68 required for a governing majority.

One possible alliance would involve the far left and Aragones’s ERC, but that would likely cause an implosion within the independence movement.

Political analyst Ernesto Pascual of the Autonomous University of Barcelona did not see such alliances hurting Sánchez’s left-wing government, whose fragile parliamentary majority depends on support from both JxCat and ERC.

Neither party has an interest in doing anything that might “force Sánchez to resign and trigger new elections”, he said.

That could change the scenario dramatically, he explained, referring to the possibility of a new government of the right which has vowed to rollback any move to amnesty the separatists.

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